特朗普勝選挑戰西方民主模式
Donald Trump’s victory marks a thunderous repudiation of the status quo.
唐納德.特朗普(Donald Trump)的勝利標誌着對現狀的驚天顛覆。
The most powerful nation on earth has elected a real estate developer with no experience in government, a self-styled strongman contemptuous of allies, civil discourse and democratic convention.
地球上最強大的國家選舉了一個房地產開發商，而這個自詡的強人沒有從政經驗，而且蔑視盟國、文明對話和民主規矩。
Barring a protean change of personality, Mr Trump’s victory appears to represent a challenge to the western democratic model.
除非特朗普的個性發生突變，否則他的勝選看起來對西方民主模式代表着一個挑戰。
Mr Trump has succeeded where Huey Long and George Wallace, American populists of the 20th century, fell well short.
特朗普的成功之處是20世紀的美國民粹主義者休伊.朗(Huey Long)和喬治.華萊士(George Wallace)遠遠不及的。
In storming to the White House, he has rewritten the presidential campaign playbook.
在問鼎白宮的征途上，特朗普重寫了總統競選的遊戲規則。
He ran against the Republican party establishment and saw off all rivals, many with proven track records in office.
他與共和黨內的建制派競爭，擊敗了所有的競爭對手，其中很多人擁有經過驗證的從政經驗。
Finally, after a campaign long on invective and short on policy, he delivered an improbable victory against Hillary Clinton, the ultimate establishment candidate.
最終，在一場謾罵多過政策辯論的競選後，他在與終極建制派候選人——希拉里.克林頓(Hillary Clinton)的角逐中贏得了看似不太可能的勝利。
In 2016, Americans preferred a political neophyte with a simple slogan Make America Great Again to a candidate who has served as First Lady, senator for New York and secretary of state.
在2016年，比起一個曾經當過第一夫人、紐約州參議員和國務卿的候選人，美國人更青睞一個以讓美國再次偉大起來(Make America Great Again)這個簡單標語爲號召的政壇新手。
Democrats will be tempted to blame their defeat on Mrs Clinton’s soulless campaign, with a mortal blow delivered by the FBI’s late intervention in the saga of Mrs Clinton’s use of a private email server.
民主黨人會忍不住把他們的失敗歸咎於希拉里缺乏感召力的競選，而美國聯邦調查局(FBI)在臨近大選投票的時候再度調查希拉里使用私人郵件服務器的事情，構成了對其競選的致命一擊。
This conveniently ignores the Republicans’ likely clean sweep of the House, Senate and White House — a rebuff not just to Mrs Clinton but also to President Barack Obama, who put his reputation and his legacy on the line in the last days of the campaign.
但完全歸咎於希拉里就過於輕飄飄地忽視了一個事實：共和黨很可能全面控制衆議院、參議院和白宮——這意味着不僅是希拉里，巴拉克.奧巴馬(Barack Obama)總統也遭遇挫敗，在大選的最後幾天，他賭上了自己的名譽和政治遺產。
Excuses also ignore the profound faultlines in American society exposed by the global financial crisis.
種種藉口還忽視了全球金融危機暴露出來的美國社會的深刻斷層。
Mr Trump’s campaign appealed to nativism, isolationism and protectionism.
特朗普的競選迎合了本土主義、孤立主義和保護主義。
He railed against immigrants and vowed to build a vast wall to keep them out, at Mexico’s expense.
他大罵移民，誓言修建一堵巨大的高牆把移民擋在境外，還要墨西哥承擔造價。
He castigated allies in Europe and Asia, disavowing decades of foreign policy doctrine by suggesting Japan and South Korea could go nuclear to counter security threats from China.
他抨擊美國在歐洲和亞洲的盟友，拋棄數十年的外交政策原則，暗示日本和韓國可以發展核武以對抗中國的安全威脅。
He cosied up to Vladimir Putin, coming close to being an apologist for the Kremlin.
他向弗拉基米爾.普京(Vladimir Putin)示好，幾乎快成爲克里姆林宮的辯護人。
And he pledged to tear up trade agreements such as Nafta and the Trans-Pacific Partnership in order to protect and reclaim American manufacturing jobs.
他還承諾撕毀《北美自由貿易協定》(Nafta)和《跨太平洋夥伴關係協議》(TPP)等貿易協定，以保護和奪回美國的製造業工作崗位。
Mr Trump’s sweeping rhetoric and compulsive tweeting resonated among millions of Americans who have felt marginalised by globalisation.
特朗普的籠統大話和強迫性的推文，引起數以百萬計覺得自己受到全球化排擠的美國人的共鳴。
The free movement of capital, goods, labour and services is one of the great achievements of the postwar era.
資本、商品、勞動力和服務的自由流動是戰後偉大成就之一。
Globalisation has lifted millions out of poverty, especially in Asia.
全球化使數以百萬計的人擺脫貧困，特別是在亞洲。
In the US, as told by Mr Trump, globalisation and free trade have rewarded a privileged few.
在美國，按照特朗普所言，全球化和自由貿易讓少數特權階層獲益。
Inequality has risen, median incomes have stagnated or fallen in real terms in recent years, especially among the uneducated or undereducated with no college degree.
近年不平等加劇，收入中位數按實際價值計算陷入停滯甚至下降，尤其是對於那些沒有高校學位、未受過教育或教育程度不高的人。
There is, of course, an alternative narrative which highlights the inherent resilience of the US economy, its capacity to innovate and produce world-class winners, especially in technology epitomised by Silicon Valley.
當然還有一個替代敘述，它強調美國經濟的內在韌性、創新能力以及涌現世界級贏家的能力，尤其是在硅谷所代表的高科技領域。
But Mrs Clinton, remote and often robotic, failed to counter with a compelling vision of change.
但是不接地氣、經常像個機器人似的希拉里未能提出一個打動人心的改變願景來反駁特朗普的理論。
What, then, are the prospects for a Trump presidency? The optimistic view is that the mean-spirited, Muslim-baiting candidate will transform once inside the White House.
那麼，特朗普總統任期的前景是什麼？樂觀的看法是，這位心胸狹窄、恐懼穆斯林的候選人在入主白宮後會發生轉變。
Such a change looks improbable, at this stage.
現階段這種改變貌似不太可能。
His temperament may not allow it.
他的氣質可能決定了他不會轉變。
He can also argue, justifiably, that his tactics, however outrageous won him the presidency.
他還可以理直氣壯地辯稱，他的戰術不管怎麼駭人，畢竟幫他贏得了總統職位。
He had a chance to pivot toward a more responsible middle ground after the Republican convention and he chose not to do so.
共和黨大會後，他曾有機會轉向更負責任的中間立場，但他選擇不這麼做。
Mr Trump might nevertheless reflect that his victory does give him a second chance.
然後特朗普可能還是會領悟到，他的勝利確實給了他第二次機會。
He has to pick a team to carry out his agenda.
他必須挑選一個團隊來推行他的議程。
He must work with Congress, notably Paul Ryan, the House speaker, whom he has regularly derided.
他必須與國會合作，尤其是他經常嘲諷的衆議院議長保羅.瑞安(Paul Ryan)。
Mr Trump prides himself on understanding the art of the deal.
特朗普自豪於自己懂得做交易的藝術。
He must realise that the business of government cannot be driven by personal feuds.
他必須意識到，政府事務不能受個人矛盾的驅動。
Politics in a democracy is the art of compromise.
在一個民主政體，政治是妥協的藝術。
The world will be nervously watching Mr Trump’s first moves.
全世界將緊張地看着特朗普邁出第一步。
So will financial markets, which have taken initial fright.
金融市場也一樣；市場已經受到最初的驚嚇。
This is a moment of great peril.
這是一個極端危險的時刻。
Mr Trump’s victory, coming after the Brexit referendum vote in Britain, looks like another grievous blow to the liberal international order.
繼英國通過全面公投決定退歐之後，特朗普的勝利很可能是自由主義國際秩序遭受的又一次沉重打擊。
Mr Trump must decide, by his actions and words, whether he intends to contribute to the great unravelling, at incalculable cost to the west.
特朗普必須用他的行動和話語來決定，他是不是有意加劇這種秩序的大解體，讓西方付出不可估量的代價。
