爲何英國不該 美國卻應該加入亞投行

China’s decision to create a new development bank for Asia is proving a highly divisive enterprise. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, due to open its doors later this year, has sparked deep divisions between Beijing and Washington. The latter argues that the bank will undermine existing international institutions and that it will be a vehicle for a broader expression of Chinese strategic interests. Now the AIIB has also become a source of major discord between the US and some of its chief allies, including the UK, which has decided to become a founder member of the new institution.

事實證明，中國爲亞洲建立一家新開發銀行的決定具有高度爭議性。定於今年晚些時候投入運營的亞洲基礎設施投資銀行(Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank)已引發北京與華盛頓之間的深刻分歧。後者認爲，亞投行將削弱現有國際機構，而且將成爲更廣泛地表達中國戰略利益的工具。如今，亞投行也成了美國與其幾個關鍵盟友（包括已決定成爲這家新機構創始成員國的英國）之間主要分歧的一個來源。

That sparked an angry response in Washington, a sorry development that reflects the huge mistake the US has made in opposing a bank aimed at helping to meet Asia’s need for trillions of dollars of investment in energy, power, transportation, telecommunications and other infrastructure sectors.

這引發了華盛頓方面的憤怒迴應，這一令人遺憾的動態反映出美國犯下了一個巨大錯誤——它抵制了一家旨在幫助亞洲滿足能源、電力、交通、電信和其他基礎設施領域數萬億美元投資需求的銀行。

China and 20 other Asian countries agreed in October to establish the AIIB. Beijing will provide the bulk of capital and founding members include India, the second largest shareholder, as well as two Gulf Arab states, Kuwait and Qatar. A number of non-regional countries were invited to be founder members, an offer rejected by the US, which then lobbied allies, including Australia, South Korea, the UK and other European states, not to join.

去年10月，中國與其他20個亞洲國家一致同意建立亞投行。北京方面將提供大部分資本，創始成員國包括第二大股東印度以及兩個海灣阿拉伯國家——科威特和卡塔爾。一些非亞洲國家也被邀請成爲創始成員國。美國拒絕了這一邀請，而後還遊說其盟友（包括澳大利亞、韓國、英國和其他歐洲國家）不要加入亞投行。

Washington argues there is no need for a new development lender, given the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. There are dark mutterings in DC that AIIB’s Chinese leadership may ignore international lending norms and support projects that proMote Chinese political, or even military, interests.

華盛頓方面認爲，沒有必要成立一家新的開發銀行，因爲已經有了世界銀行(World Bank)和亞洲開發銀行(Asian Development Bank)。華盛頓還出現了一些懷有惡意的流言，稱中國人領導的亞投行可能會無視國際貸款準則、並支持那些增進中國政治乃至軍事利益的項目。

The US is wrong to adopt this position. President Barack Obama has called for more Asian infrastructure investment. The existing institutions are only scratching the surface of those needs and have adopted different priorities in recent years. Competition is good for development lending as well as other markets. Concerns about backsliding from standards on transparency, procurement and anti- corruption are justified but the way to address them is to join the institution and work from within; it is nonsense to argue that carping from outside will be more effective.

美國採取這種立場是錯誤的。美國總統巴拉克•奧巴馬(Barack Obama)已呼籲進行更多的亞洲基礎設施投資。現有機構只能滿足這些需求的很小一部分，而且近年來採取了不同的優先次序。競爭有利於開發貸款，也有利於其他市場。對透明度、採購和反腐標準倒退的擔憂是合理的，但解決這些問題的方法是加入該機構，從內部實現變革；所謂在外面挑毛病會更加有效的說法純屬無稽之談。

Most importantly, this issue represents a fresh skirmish in the inevitable competition for leadership of the world economy in the 21st century. As the incumbent power, the US naturally wants China to support the international rules and institutions that it has led for 70 years. As the rising power, China naturally challenges a status quo it had no role in creating and wants to begin shaping a modified order itself.

最重要的是，當前的問題代表着中美競爭中的新衝突。爲爭奪21世紀世界經濟領導者的寶座，中美之間不可避免地會相互競爭。作爲現任領導者，美國自然希望中國支持美國70年來一直領導的國際規則和國際機構。而作爲一個崛起中的強國，中國自然想挑戰自己未曾參與建立的現狀，並開始自行打造一個修正過的秩序。

The US has correctly urged China to exercise leadership consistent with its expanding power, and to provide more resources to support development and other global goals. When the Chinese move in those directions, as they are doing with the AIIB, it is short-sighted and hypocritical for the US to seek to block them. This is especially true when the Obama administration has not persuaded Congress in four years to adopt legislation to provide enhanced roles for China and other emerging economies in the International Monetary Fund, as agreed by all other countries; and has opposed increasing the capital of the Asian Development Bank.

美國敦促中國行使與其不斷增強的實力相一致的領導力、爲支持發展和其他全球目標提供更多資源，這是正確的。而當中國朝着這些方向前進，就如中國在亞投行這件事中所做的那樣，美國卻試圖阻止中國，這是短視和虛僞的。考慮以下兩點就更是如此了：奧巴馬政府4年來都未能說服國會通過相關立法、以讓中國和其他新興經濟體在國際貨幣基金組織(IMF)中發揮更大作用，儘管這已是其他所有國家的共識；此外，美國還反對亞洲開發銀行增資。

This US hostility reinforces the Chinese view that US strategy is to contain and suppress it; so increasing rather than decreasing the prospect of uncooperative Chinese behaviour. The UK and other US allies, by contrast, are wise to accept China’s invitation to join.

美國的敵意使中國愈發認爲美國的戰略是遏制和壓制中國，這加大、而非減小了中國採取不合作行爲的可能性。相較之下，英國以及美國的其他盟友明智地選擇接受中國的邀請、加入亞投行。

The US should reverse course. It should join the bank and persuade Congress to provide the small amounts needed to fund a minority share. It should bless the desire of its friends in Asia and Europe to join, to help counter any untoward Chinese actions.

美國應該調轉方向。它應加入亞投行，並說服國會提供取得亞投行少數股權所需的小筆資金。美國應鼓勵其亞洲和歐洲朋友加入亞投行，以便在中國採取任何不利行動時幫助美國一同加以反對。

And it should encourage the World Bank and the other current multilateral lenders to co-operate closely with the new institution. The AIIB initiative can then play a positive role in the world economy and capitalise on China’s growing willingness to exercise constructive global leadership.

美國還應鼓勵世行和其他現有多邊貸款機構與亞投行密切合作。這樣，亞投行項目就能在世界經濟中扮演積極角色，並受益於中國不斷增強的發揮建設性全球領導力的意願。

The writer is director emeritus and senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics

本文作者是彼得森國際經濟研究所(Peterson Institute for International Economics)榮休所長、高級研究員