涅姆佐夫是俄羅斯恐懼氣氛犧牲品
Three days after Russian opposition politician Boris Nemtsov was slain by at least four bullets in the back outside the wAlls of the Kremlin, there is no trace of his killer.
But politicians, activists and observers critical of President Vladimir Putin agree that, whoever pulled the trigger, Nemtsov fell victim to a climate of hate and fear that the authorities have fanned in Russia since the revolution in Ukraine and Moscow’s annexation of Crimea.
不過，對俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾•普京(Vladimir Putin)持批評態度的政客、社會活動人士和觀察家都認同這樣一種看法：不論誰是殺害涅姆佐夫的兇手，涅姆佐夫都是烏克蘭危機以來俄羅斯仇恨與恐懼氛圍的犧牲品，而這種氛圍正是俄羅斯當局在俄羅斯國內煽動起來的。烏克蘭危機的發端，則始於烏克蘭革命和俄羅斯對克里米亞的吞併。Mr Putin’s opponents had been under growing pressure since his return to the presidential office in 2012. But after Ukraine’s political upheavals began, this pressure turned into open threats.
自2012年普京再次當選總統以來，普京的反對者遭遇的壓力越來越大。而在烏克蘭開始出現政治動盪以後，這種壓力變成了公然威脅。
Vladimir Ryzhkov, a long-time friend of Nemtsov and co-chairman of his political party, said the state and state-run media had both presented liberal opposition figures as traitors and enemies and implicitly encouraged violence against them.
涅姆佐夫長期密友、其所在政黨的聯席主席弗拉基米爾•雷日科夫(Vladimir Ryzhkov)表示，俄羅斯政府和官方媒體都把自由主義反對派人士說成是叛國者和敵人，並隱性鼓勵針對他們的暴力活動。“In Soviet times, the state had a monopoly of force,” he said. “Now we don’t have such a monopoly. We have violence from the top, threats from the top, and an amazing threat from the bottom. We have all kinds of nationalist groups, radicals, military veterans, sports clubs. And any group could use violence against those who they think are enemies of Russia.”
他說：“在蘇聯時代，政府壟斷了武力。如今，這種壟斷不復存在了。我們面臨的是來自高層的暴力、來自高層的威脅、以及來自底層的驚人威脅。我們擁有各種民族主義團體、激進分子、老兵、俱樂部。任何組織都可能對那些認爲是俄羅斯敵人的人使用暴力。”A year ago, Andrei Kovalenko, a Russian nationalist youth leader, told a crowd of screaming supporters that if Mr Putin did not deal with a “Fifth Column” of liberal opposition figures, things would end, as in 1917, with the downfall of the regime.
一年前，俄羅斯民族主義青年領袖安德烈•科瓦連科(Andrei Kovalenko)曾向尖叫着的支持者表示，如果普京不處理自由主義反對派組成的“第五縱隊”，俄羅斯政權會像1917年那樣以垮臺告終。“Vladimir Vladimirovich! Just give an order!” he shouted. “We can’t wait for your ‘Fass!’” he shouted, using a German-language command for dogs to attack.
“弗拉基米爾•弗拉基米羅維奇！(Vladimir Vladimirovich，此處使用了普京的父名，表示對他的尊重——譯者注)只要下達一個指令就好！”他高聲叫喊，“我們已經等不及您說出‘Fass！’”這是德語中命令狗去攻擊他人的詞語。Mr Kovalenko is a disciple of Alexander Dugin, a nationalist ideologue long seen as a marginal figure but who trumpeted after the Crimea annexation that Mr Putin was now following his line.
科瓦連科是倡導民族主義思想的理論家亞歷山大•杜金(Alexander Dugin)的追隨者。杜金長期以來都被視爲邊緣人物，但在俄羅斯吞併克里米亞後，杜金曾鼓吹稱普京現在奉行着他的路線。The president encouraged such notions by echoing some of the extremists’ language. In a speech celebrating the Crimean annexation last March, he included a warning against those who might oppose it, calling them “national traitors” and a “fifth column”.
普京曾在講話中採用了部分極端分子的措辭，從而縱容了這種觀念。去年3月，普京發表了一篇慶祝吞併克里米亞的演講，向可能反對這一做法的人發出了警告，稱他們是“國家叛徒”和“第五縱隊”。Meanwhile, ideologues bashing the liberal opposition have become fixtures on state media, still the main source of information for most of the Russian population. A group of prominent television and radio managers set the tone with news presentations full of insinuations. Dmitry Kiselyov, head of the state news group Rossiya Segodnya, whom the EU put on its sanctions list last year, is the most prominent.
同時，各種理論家對自由主義反對派的猛烈抨擊，已成爲官方媒體的固定節目。目前，俄羅斯官方媒體仍是大多數俄羅斯人獲取信息的主要來源。多家著名電視臺和電臺主管則用充滿逢迎和影射的新聞報道左右了輿論的走向。國家新聞社“今日俄羅斯”(Rossiya Segodnya)社長德米特里•基謝廖夫(Dmitry Kiselyov)是其中最突出的一個，去年他被歐盟(EU)列入制裁名單。Mr Putin’s regime has also taken the struggle to the streets. In January, a smattering of nationalist groupings, veterans’ associations and lawmakers from the pro-presidential United Russia party set up what they called a “social movement” called Anti-Maidan.
普京當局還將爭鬥引上了街頭。今年1月，親普京的統一俄羅斯黨(United Russia)黨內的少數民族主義團體、老兵協會和議員，成立了一個名爲“反廣場革命”組織的所謂“社會運動”。A week before Nemtsov’s death, the association staged a large-scale march with government support through Moscow. Participants pledged to fight the kind of democratic change that occurred in Ukraine, western values and anyone who would stand up for them in Russia.
在涅姆佐夫遇害前一週，該組織在全莫斯科發起了一場得到政府支持的大規模遊行。參與者發誓要與烏克蘭那種民主變革、與西方價值、以及與俄羅斯國內任何擁護以上兩者的人作鬥爭。“People were openly calling from the stage to ‘take care of’ the liberals,” said Mikhail Kasyanov, a former prime minister under Mr Putin and another close associate of Nemtsov. “There were even signs saying, ‘Let’s destroy the Fifth Column’.”
“在臺上，人們公開叫嚷着要‘收拾’自由主義者，”涅姆佐夫的另一位密友、曾在普京政府中擔任總理的米哈伊爾•卡西亞諾夫(Mikhail Kasyanov)說，“甚至還有標語上寫着，‘讓我們打垮第五縱隊’。”Marching in the front row was Alexander Zaldostanov, leader of the Night Wolves bikers’ group, which observers say has styled itself into crusaders for Russian greatness and Russian values.
走在遊行隊伍前列的是亞歷山大•扎多斯塔諾夫(Alexander Zaldostanov)。他是摩托車俱樂部“夜狼”(Night Wolves)的領袖。觀察家稱，該俱樂部已將自身標榜成爲俄羅斯的強盛和俄羅斯價值奔走的聖戰組織。Mr Kasyanov said opposition leaders had faced lower-level harassment since the mid-2000s, and he and many others were followed by members of Nashi, the pro-Kremlin youth group created after the 2004 Orange revolution in Ukraine. But the Anti-Maidan movement was much more sinister.
卡西亞諾夫表示，在本世紀頭十年中期，反對派領袖們開始面臨更爲下作的滋擾。他和其他許多人曾被支持俄政府的青年團體“納什”（Nashi, 俄語意爲“我們”）的成員跟蹤。該團體成立於2004年烏克蘭“橙色革命”(Orange Revolution)之後。而相比之下，“反廣場革命”運動要比“納什”邪惡得多。Ksenia Sobchak, the socialite and journalist who has floated between the establishment close to Mr Putin and the opposition, was one of the first to link this environment to Nemtsov’s death.
遊走於當權的普京擁護者和反對派之間的記者和社會名流塞梅•索布恰克(Ksenia Sobchak)，是率先將這種氛圍與涅姆佐夫之死聯繫起來的人之一。The Kremlin’s efforts to defeat the 2012 protest movement against Mr Putin through an ideological war had created a “chaos of hate,” she wrote on her blog. She added that the president had “built an infernal terminator over which he has lost control.”
她在博客裏寫道：克里姆林宮試圖通過意識形態之戰挫敗2012年反普京抗議活動的舉動，造成了一種“仇恨亂局”。她還補充道，普京“製造了一個他已經控制不了的可怕的終結者”。Political analysts are not surprised. Some argue that the Anti-Maidan movement is a logical continuation of the regime’s earlier attempts to steer public sentiment through groups such as Nashi.
對此，政治分析人士並不感到意外。有些人說，普京當局之前就試圖通過納什這類組織引導公衆情緒，反廣場革命運動是對這種努力的自然延續。Andrei Kolesnikov, from the Carnegie Moscow Center, said: “The atmosphere we have now is artificial in the sense that it has been created by the propaganda. But it is also natural in the sense that people readily accept it.”
莫斯科卡內基中心(Moscow Carnegie Center)的安德烈•科列斯尼科夫(Andrei Kolesnikov)說：“目前這種氛圍是通過宣傳手段營造的，從此種意義上說，這種氛圍是人爲的。但從，人們對此欣然接受，又表明它是自然而然產生的。”Mr Kolesnikov said the role such groups played in Russian politics and society had become similar to groupings used by the Nazi regime to intimidate and persecute opponents in the early years of its rule.
科列斯尼科夫表示，這類組織在俄羅斯政治和社會中扮演的角色，已變得和納粹政權曾利用過的組織十分類似。在納粹統治早期，那些組織被用來恐嚇和迫害反對者。Mr Kasyanov said: “The government has to stop encouraging this propaganda, this language of traitors and the Fifth Column. If they don’t, things will become even more dangerous. It will be open season.”
卡西亞諾夫表示：“政府必須停止對這種宣傳方式、對‘叛徒’和‘第五縱隊’這類措辭方式的縱容。否則，事態將變得越發危險。各種攻訐言論將肆意橫流。”
